Jalil Muntaqim - Behind the Walls

Blog #9 IMPOTENT

2012-02-21T14:26:00.000-08:00

IMPOTENT

(Decolonize the P.I.C.)

Webster’s Dictionary: “/a: not potent, lacking in power, strength, or rigor …”

It seems far too obvious that when government institutions blatantly ignore the cry of progressives’ petition for change, that cry, that petition is impotent. It lacks the power, strength or vigor to compel government institutions to respond positively, relent and acquiesce to the progressives’ demands.

This reality is even truer when it concerns the so-called prison reform or prison abolitionist movement challenging any aspect of the prison industrial complex (P.I.C.). In every state we find the growing problem of institutional racism and repression in U.S. prisons. Standard prison rules continue to restrict prisoners’ limited First Amendment (right to assemble and freedom of expression), Fourth Amendment (freedom from search and seizure/procedural due process) and Fourteenth Amendment (each state must provide equal protection under the law to all people within its jurisdiction) rights.

The most recent case of prisoners’ resistance at California’s Pelican Bay (hunger strike), and the lackluster California activists’ effort to meet the challenge to support the prisoners, blatantly poses an issue of impotency. While California activists succeeded in getting some “passing moment” press attention, the media soon directed their attention to other matters, as did the activists. There have been no fundamental changes to improve the overall conditions of Pelican Bay’s segregated prisoners. The prisoners continue to suffer the indignities of their original charge of constitutional violations. California activists have moved on to other concerns, i.e., the Occupy phenomenon, abandoning the Pelican Bay prisoners’ demands.

Similarly, the prisoners of Georgia recently sent an open letter to the progressive community criticizing how their efforts have been abandoned, despite many prisoners continuing to be severely punished for their strike.

Here, in New York State, I’ve personally experienced a well-intentioned but impotent initiative on my behalf to challenge the Department of Corrections and Community Supervision (DOCCS) by progressive community activists.

On January 23, 2012, I was handcuffed and escorted to the Special Housing Unit (SHU) for six months following a bogus disciplinary hearing. I had been charged and found guilty of possessing 14 photos prison officials alleged represented an “unauthorized organization.” The 14 photos had been delivered to me in late March/early April 2011 by Attica’s correspondence department. The 14 photos depicted the March 2011 community-sponsored memorial ceremony for the honored member of the now-defunct Black Panther Party Michael (Cetewayo) Tabor. Cetewayo had been one of the Panther 21, New York City Panthers who for two years were held in jail illegally under a "COINTELPRO-inspired" indictment. The memorial service was held at City College, and award-winning playwright Jamal Joseph, a former BPP member and now a talented theater group director for young people, had his youngsters (Impact Repertory Theater) perform at the memorial ceremony, Because a Black Panther Party banner was hung on the wall behind the podium, and the performing youth wore BPP t-shirts, standing with raised clenched fists, it was charged that the photos represented an “unauthorized organization.”

When word of this bogus disciplinary hearing and penalty of 6 months in SHU, with loss of commissary, phones, packages and good time was learned of by New York City and State progressives, a noble phone and writing campaign was initiated protesting the disciplinary charge/penalty. Since I was denied the right to call witnesses during the disciplinary hearing, a clear violation of New York State Title 7 N.Y.C.R.R. 254.5 and U.S. Constitution First, Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment guarantees, the campaign was directed to New York State Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, DOCCS Commissioner Brian Fischer, and Attica Superintendent Mark L. Bradt.

Despite many people writing and calling, these state functionaries, civil servants, essentially ignored the demand for them to right an obvious injustice.

Now, the problem is no way compares to the struggles of prisoners at Pelican Bay or in Georgia, but it does highlight the impotence of the prison reform/abolitionist community of activists. It expresses and exposes the ineffective challenges we make, often in direct response to crises, lacking a sustainable determination opposing racism and repressive state institutions.

In contrast, during the 2007-2009 San Francisco 8 persecution, the San Francisco 8 Support Committee organized a heroic campaign that brought many progressive groups together. The Asian, Mexican, Hispanic, New Afrikan and Euro-American activist communities joined in support of the demand to “Drop the Charges.” The SF8 Support Committee successfully obtained resolutions from the Berkeley and San Francisco City Councils for the charges to be dropped. They obtained active support from labor unions and civil rights organizations like the NAACP; from major religious institutions and newspapers in the Bay Area community support was given; liberal elected politicians joined in the demand; a huge banner was placed on a San Francisco mountain for highway travelers to see: “Free the SF8.”

The coordinated broad-based organizing by the SF8 Support Committee was reminiscent of the type of organizing that occurred in the late ’60s and early ’70s, challenging the judicial system in the many political trials of that era. Just as important, the SF8 Support Committee sustained a physical political presence in the courtroom, and at various events raising the issue, educating and building support for the SF8.

This example raised the question whether it can be replicated, from a microcosm of a successful issue-oriented campaign, into a macro-platform-oriented organizing campaign. Can a core group of committed political activists build, as in expanding concentric circles, a broad-based uniform prison reform/abolitionist determination in New York State? It is obvious that the NYS prison system is not the least concerned about any community challenges to its racist operations. Not unless or until New York State and City progressives decide and affirm the maxim that there is “strength in numbers” and “strength in unity,” will they grow to become an effective political force capable of ensuring their demands for change and justice in the NYS prison system are met.

Needless to say, it is far past time for progressives across the country to recognize in order to become effective, they must broaden their base of organizing. The continued “preaching to the choir” and “neglecting the bystanders” must come to an abrupt halt. The hard, grunt work of outreaching to unions, legal institutions, (ACLU, NLG, NCBL, etc.), religious and faith-based institutions, civil rights organizations, academia/students , and the many ethnic communities is necessary to build a powerful campaign for prison and parole reform in New York State and across the country.

I am extremely grateful to all those who made phone calls and wrote letters. At a minimum, it served to inform DOCCS my treatment will not go unnoticed. They should be prepared to hear from the community when prison personnel violate their own rules, regulations, and laws. This is an important and significant step forward; however, the task is beyond crisis response. It is a wake-up call for the need to build a powerful, sustainable campaign and movement for fundamental change.

For instance, calling for the resignation of DOCCS Commissioner Brian Fischer and Division of Parole Chairwoman Andrea Evans for dereliction of duties, abdication of responsibilities and failure as civil servants to be responsive to community expectations would be a good start. Of course, a pragmatic proposal would require the building of a Community Prison and Parole Review Board and Ombudsman with the authority to investigate and file public reports with recommendations for change to both the Governor and State legislature, and being able to file complaints with the New York State Attorney General for civil and criminal prosecution.

Conversely, it won’t be until the overall communities from which the majority of prisoners come, and will eventually return, are intimately involved with the demand and challenge for prison and parole change, that the entire prison reform/abolitionist movement will become strong, sustainable and durable. Prisons are “Big Business” in New York State, and many legislators have political investments in this business. But the biggest and unwritten investors are members of the poor and oppressed communities whose family and loved ones feed and generate profits for this business. Unfortunately, the communities, for the most part, do not benefit from the billion-dollar business of prison. Rather, their reward is the negative return in the form of modern day slavery.

DON’T OCCUPY—DECOLONIZE THE PRISON INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX

In fierce struggle, Jalil A. Muntaqim 2/9/12

WRITE TO Anthony Jalil Bottom 77A4283,

Attica C.F.
P.O. Box 149
Attica, NY 14011-0149

Letter from Jalil Muntaqim

2012-02-08T15:32:00.000-08:00

Greetings, As Jalil's Blog keeper, I want to give you the information Jalil sent out regarding on going harassment at Attica, a NYS prison. Please read and respond to his request. Many thanks

The Facts of Disciplinary Charges:
105.14 Unauthorized Organization And Disciplinary Hearing of 1/13/12-1/23/12

On the morning of January 5, 2012 , three officers searched D-37-32, the cell where I was being held. As I observed the cell search, Correctional Officer Wagnor removed my photo album and took it with him at the conclusion of the cell search. At approximately 11:20 AM, Officer Wagnor returned the photo album, absent the 14 photos. On January 6, 2012 , I was issued a non-confinement Tier III misbehavior report for violation of 105.14 Unauthorized Organization.

On 1/5/12, during a scheduled counselor interview that I had requested that afternoon, Counselor Schiffer called the correspondence department while I sat in his office and inquired about the photos confiscated from my photo album. He was told by correspondence personnel that the photos should not have been confiscated since they had been approved by correspondence for me to receive. Mr. Krumph refused to allow me to call Correctional Counselor Schiffer to testify on my behalf on January 23, 2012.

On 1/13/12, Superintendent Mark L. Bradt designated Mr. George Krumph to conduct the disciplinary hearing. At that time I informed Mr. Krumph I wanted to call as witnesses Correctional Counselor Schiffer, the correspondence officer, and Sergeant Cochran. Mr. Krumph then postponed the hearing so he could speak to my witnesses.

The correspondence officer would have addressed during the disciplinary hearing whether all procedures pursuant to Directive #4422: Inmate Correspondence were fulfilled, permitting me to receive the photos. Furthermore, he would have addressed the proper procedure for the process of contraband photos in accord with Directive #4422 to be disposed of if found to be contraband. Mr. Krumph refused to allow me to call the correspondence officer to testify on my behalf on 1/23/12.

Sergeant Cochran, who had been acting as Attica's “gang intelligence officer,” would have testified as to what should be considered an “unauthorized organization” from his years of intelligence experience at Attica. Also, he would be able to attest to the fact he was present during the processing of my personal property from Auburn. At that time, no contraband photos or literature were found in my personal property, including anything pertaining to “unauthorized organization.” Mr. Krumph refused to allow Sergeant Cochran to testify on my behalf on 1/23/12.

On 1/23/12, Mr. Krumph recommended the disciplinary hearing be postponed again, following the postponement on 1/13/12 to speak to my witnesses. He provided a form for me to sign indicating an extension had been secured for the time delay in conducting the hearing. I respectfully declined to sign the form.

Mr. Krumph then summarily denied all three of my witnesses to testify, and over my objections called Lt. Simmons and introduced him as an expert on “unauthorized organizations.” Lt. Simmons reviewed the 14 photos, immediately declaring them representative of an unauthorized organization. Lt. Simmons never stated what made him an expert; he never identified what in the photos made them unauthorized organizations; he never described or indicated what was in the photos that was incriminating. He just looked at them and parroted that they were indeed “unauthorized organization.”

It was obvious that Lt. Simmons was called specifically to violate each and every opportunity for me to refute the disciplinary charges, having them dismissed and the photos returned to me.

I objected to Lt. Simmons' testimony and proceeded to present how my defense against the charges was essentially sabotaged, not permitting me to call any of my witnesses. I then presented the Bay View newspaper received on 1/13/12 from the correspondence department.

The front page showed two large photos—one of a picket sign with a large clenched fist, and the other of a young Black guy holding a protest sign in one hand, with the other hand held in the air with a clenched fist. Also, I previously offered other materials received from the correspondence department of similar nature, including the memorial ceremony programs of Cetewayo, Smitty and Karim. None of these, like the photos, had been submitted to media review or any other scrutiny for contraband by the correspondence department before being delivered to me.

Mr. Krumph did not deny or refute that the 14 photos or other materials were delivered to me by the correspondence department in accord with Directive #4422. Mr. Krumph did not respond or refute that I had not violated any rule subject to correspondence in order to obtain the 14 photos. In fact, Mr. Krumph remained mute when I argued I should not be disciplined for photos the correspondence department permitted me to receive.

I objected to the entire proceedings, including the harsh 6 months SHU time, loss of commissary, packages, phone calls, and good time.

I was immediately handcuffed and escorted to SHU.

It should be noted that the 14 photos depicted the memorial ceremony of Cetewayo (Michael Tabor) held at City College in March 2011, in which a Black Panther Party banner was hanging on a wall. Also, a photo at the ceremony depicted young people wearing blue and black giving clenched fist salutes. There were a couple of photos of the 14 that were of Smitty's memorial with the banner hanging on the back wall while people spoke at the podium. Nothing inflammatory was depicted—hence, the correspondence department approved them to be received.

This is pure harassment indicating the administration's propensity to flagrantly violate its own rules and regulations.

Anthony Jalil Bottom
#77A-4283
Attica Correctional Facility, SHU
Jalil has been in SHU since Monday, January 23, 2012, with only the clothes on his back. He has not been given any personal property, and was told he probably won't receive any of it for weeks. He has no phone privileges, no commissary, no packages, and will eventually be allowed 5 books and limited legal materials. He will have only one visit weekly for the duration, and these are no-contact visits which take place in Attica's SHU.

He is asking that people contact NYS Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, Commissioner Brian Fischer, Assemblyman Jeffrion Aubry and the New York State Commission on Corrections to demand that the charges be dropped, that he be released from SHU immediately, and that this campaign of harassment come to AN IMMEDIATE END! These charges are entirely fabricated and show premeditation on behalf of the prison administration to lock Jalil away until his next parole hearing in June and to negatively affect the outcome of that hearing.

NY Attorney General Eric Schneiderman:
Office of the Attorney General
The Capitol
Albany, NY 12224-0341
(518) 474-5481

Commissioner Brian Fischer
NYS Department of Corrections and Community Supervision
Building 2
1220 Washington Ave
Albany, New York 12226-2050
(518) 457-8126

Assemblyman Jeffrion Aubry
LOB 526
Albany, NY 12248
(518) 455-4561

Assemblyman Jeffrion Aubry
98-09 Northern Blvd.
Corona, NY 11368
(718) 457-3615
AubryJ@assembly.state.ny.us

Thomas A. Beilein, Chairman
Phyllis Harrison-Ross M.D., Commissioner
New York State Commission on Corrections
80 Wolf Road, 4th Floor
Albany, New York 12205
Phone: (518) 485-2346
Fax: (518) 485-2467

When you call and/or write, be sure to use Jalil's DIN number (#77A4283) and refer to him as Anthony Bottom, currently at Attica. We would like to know what responses people receive. Please send an email to nycjericho@gmail.com or mxcc519@verizon.net to let us know. Also, please take the time to write to Jalil: Anthony Bottom #77A4283, Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149, Attica, NY 14011-0149

It is very important that he receive lots of correspondence at this time so he knows he is not forgotten and has our support. Send him a copy of the letters you have written or a short report of your phone calls.

Who’s Big Brother???

2012-02-08T15:24:00.000-08:00

I am the absent big brother in my family. Having been in prison 40 years, my younger siblings have suffered the anguish of my absence, not being there for them at crucial times in their lives. For the most part, they understand my absence, understand the political nature of my incarceration. So, since I am the big brother in my family, I certainly don’t need a Big Brother, nor does my family.

Unfortunately, President Obama does not believe that, and like former President Bill Clinton and George Bush, he has signed into law a bill that will severely undermine and erode democratic civil liberties. When Clinton was in office, in “...1985 Clinton administration Crime Bill effectively caused the criminalization of poverty, ensuring the poor, unemployed, and homeless were likely to suffer the penalties of incarceration, essentially feeding the prison industrial complex.” (quote from Pg.291, We Are Our Own Liberators). However, President Obama took this dynamic a huge step forward, more on that in a minute.

“On May 9, 2007, President Bush issued National Security Presidential Directive 51 titled, “National Continuity Policy.” In it, he instructs the Secretary of Homeland Security to coordinate with private sector owners and operators of critical infrastructure, as appropriate, in order to provide for the delivery of essential services during an emergency. This policy (Presidential decree) federalized an FBI program of deputizing corporate business representatives, under the auspices of InfraGuard, as citizen-spies for the FBI and Homeland Security in preparation for the implementation of martial law.” (Pg. 296, Liberators). Correspondingly, it should be noted, on 12/30/11, the New York Times reported in “Court Upholds Law That Protects Companies Aiding U.S. Surveillance,” that the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, “... upheld the constitutionality of a federal law that grants immunity to telecommunications companies that assist the federal government in conducting surveillance of American citizens.” In essence, AT&T, Sprint, Nextel and Verizon Communications are using their mobile phone services to maintain federal surveillance of U.S. citizens for the federal government, with immunity.

Most recently, it was reported that Mayor Bloomberg of NYC is permitting infra-red cameras to be posted on street corners to effectively “x-ray” pedestrians to determine if any are carrying weapons from their body heat. Not unlike what is at airports, these high-tech surveillance cameras are being placed on city streets.

Now, when President Obama recently signed into law the “2012 National Defense Authorization Act,” he virtually ensured the most brutal and repressive segment of the prison industrial complex grows. Under this new law, the U.S. government allows the military to detain any American citizen “suspected” of being a “terrorist” without trial; for U.S. citizens difficult to apprehend to target them for summary execution, i.e., assassination; to arrest U.S. citizens video recording police actions; allow the police to use GPS devices to track the movement of thousands of people suspected of criminal activity; and permit police/military use of aerial surveillance drones to covertly monitor U.S. citizens.

When all of these corporate/government legal maneuvers are considered in their collective operations, the only conclusion we can make is the police state is here, and the prison industrial complex is the last rung in state repression. It is obvious that Big Brother has plans for the family of U.S. citizens that ultimately put everyone in jeopardy of losing their freedom. As a Cointelpro/Newkill victim, this is something I know from first hand experience!

So, Family, let’s get organized to challenge telecommunication corporations, city governments, and Presidential decrees that severely deny civil liberties and support the advent of fascism.

in fierce struggle,

Jalil A. Muntaqim (aka) Anthony Jalil Bottom #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149, Attica NY 14011-0149

1/23/12

New Year's Resolution

2012-01-16T18:13:00.000-08:00

#1 2012

Webster Dictionary says of RESOLUTION: 1: the act or process of reducing to the simpler form; as a: the act of analyzing a complex notion into simpler ones, B: the act of answering: SOLVING c: the act of determining… These are some of the definitions of “resolution”, and in understanding that many make New Year’s resolutions; I am wondering what will be your resolution?

It is my hope you will resolve to become more active in the overall struggle. That you will consider how best to prevent the building of the Keystone XL pipeline that will trample the lands of Native Americans without compensation. I hope that you will resolve to ensure that reformist social-democratic protest campaign known as OWS evolves into a national organization with a national platform and program. Such a platform and program that Is politically comparable or surpassing the capacity of the right wing to control the national debate and challenge the entire capitalist-imperialist

System. To resolve to challenge the reactionary right-wing anti-immigrants children the right of education and health care.

Also, I sincerely hope progressive activists will resolve to challenge and demand the reversal and deny the enactment of the “2012 National Defense Authorization Act” that permits the military detention of U.S. citizens, targeting U.S. citizens for killing, arrest witnesses for recording police actions, allowing GPS to spy on U.S. citizens every move, and using surveillance drones to tract U.S. citizens every move, and using surveillance drones to spy on U.S. citizens. In other words, the overt implementation of militarizing U.S. police forces and virtually criminalization various forms of protest, demonstrations and rebellions. Although the ACLU is challenging the law that was written by Senator John McCain and Senator Carl Levin, and signed into law by President Obama. The problem is many people have no idea how this law undermines the constitutional right against illegal search and seizure.

It is obvious the U.S. government has grown to become even more anti-people and pro-corporation, particularly since the U.S. Supreme Court has determined “corporations” are also “people”. When considering the majority of Americans are align to the Democratic and Republican Party (s), both which are pro-corporation, it would seem that progressive activists should organize a “We The People Party” in order to reclaim what is often sought – “the American Dream”.

Lastly, sincerely hope the majority of you will resolve to join and support Jericho’s amnesty movement for U.S. political prisoners. There is no other national organization that function specifically for the amnesty and release of U.S. political prisoners. Why would you not want to in 2012 join the fight to win the release of U. S. political prisoners?

As for myself, my resolution will be simple, to loose 20 Lbs., while sitting in this dreary prison cell.

In fierce struggle---Jalil Muntaqim

(aka) Anthony Jalil Bottom #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149,

Attica NY 14011-0149

THE BLACK LEFT WHERE ARE YOU ???

2011-12-08T12:51:00.000-08:00

BLOG # 6

The Black Left—Where are you???

Recently, someone sent me a transcript—though only a couple of pages—of a conference call on November 3, 2011 conducted by US Human Rights Network (USHRN) Labor Working Group and the Black Left Unity Network. Apparently, the Black Left Unity Network evolved out of the ‘Social Forum’ held in the summer of 2010 in Detroit. Upon reading the pages, I was elated to learn that such discussion was going on. But the more I read, the more I found myself asking the question, why are they concentrating their attention on Occupy Wall Street? It became more apparent that the discussion was on whether “the white tail was wagging the black dog,” and how best to introduce Black left issues in OWS national protest campaigns.

In my blog, “Occupy Wall Street…A Movement?” I introduce the idea that OWS is not a movement, but rather a social-democratic reformist protest campaign. It is not anti-capitalist, it is not anti-imperialist, and it is not anti-racist. If this is true, then how should the Black left address OWS? Obviously, a social-democratic reformist protest campaign must be challenged as to exactly what they seek to achieve, and how that will impact Black folds in Amerikkka. In this regards, one Sister in the conference call urged that a National Black Liberation Conference be held to evolve a common platform. I totally agree with this position, as there is an overwhelming need for the Black left to define itself, consolidate its political existence, and forge a national determination program and platform in a unified front to OWS or any other progressive initiative.

As was written in previous blogs concerning OWS, a National Black Liberation Conference will need to forge national public policy on issues pertaining to Universal Health Care; Student and Home Programs; National Wealth Distribution/Tax Programs; National Environmental Preservation Programs; Immigration Relief Program; Domestic Security and International Anti-Aggression Protection Act; Natural Resource and Energy Commission; Social Justice and Penal Reconstruction Program, to include the amnesty and release of political prisoners. These issues are common concerns of all oppressed and disenfranchised US citizens, however each of these issues are crucial to the existence of black folks in Amerikkka. As is often said, “When white folks catch a cold, Black folks catch pneumonia.” Obviously, if the Black left were to devise a program and platform to demand public policy in challenging the current oppressive/repressive conditions, Black folks, as had been the case since the civil rights struggle, will influence and lead a revolutionary national mass and popular movement.

Once again, it is time for the Black left to rise to the historic challenge, to purge itself of the lethargic apathy that prohibited uniform and unified Black political determination and movement. It is time for a National Black Liberation Conference, to at minimum identify specific socio-economic and political issues, and the means/method to challenge the system, and implement a revolutionary determination in a mass and popular movement.

The future holds promise, but only if you take action. Needless to say, we, Black political prisoners are hopeful the Black Left will rise to the occasion.

In fierce struggle,

Jalil A. Muntaqim 11/19/11

Please send your comments to Jalil at

Anthony Jalil Bottom 77A4283,

Attica C.F. P.O. Box 149, Attica, NY 14011-0149

Occupy Wall Street ...A Movement???

2011-11-12T13:29:00.000-08:00

The Civil Rights struggle was a movement. The Black Power struggle was a movement. The Anti-Vietnam War struggle was a movement. Each of these struggles had definitive goals, objectives and defined demands; they each had representative leadership able to articulate their demands; and just as importantly, they had national organizational development and direction. To date, Occupy Wall Street (OWS) has none of these, but rather a decentralized protest CAMPAIGN that has touched and manifested a sentiment and tendency of mass disaffection with this capitalist system.

Although OWS has identified and struck a cord with a large segment of the U.S. populace, OWS is not anti-capitalist, it is not anti-imperialist, and it is not revolutionary. While these elements and sentiments are within these political campaigns, for the most part, OWS is a social-democratic reformist campaign. However, because OWS has directly challenged the plutocratic reality of corporate America, it is a campaign to be reckoned with. By raising the economic inequality of this government, OWS points directly to the heart of the problem, the disenfranchisement of working people. It is the height of defiance to the system of government, raising consciousness and expression of rebellion.

However, unless OWS gets organized nationally, develops a national agenda, and identifies national representatives, these protest campaigns run the risk of being co-opted, diverted and destroyed by the many-faceted counter-intelligence, counter-insurgency tactics of the government. The greater likelihood is OWS will be influenced by “capitalist” civil rights personages who will get media coverage seeking to articulate the “meaning” of these protest campaigns. They will seek to direct OWS to preserve their long-held agendas of reform and “poverty pimp” economic plans, while keeping President Obama on speed dial. They will ensure the OWS protest campaigns evolve into an electoral protest, preserving their own ideals of what America should look like in opposition to racist right-wing legislation and enactments. OWS liberal-reformist protest campaigns offer these “civil rights” personages, organizations and non-profit entities the mass and public strength to influence the national debate under the guise of a participatory democratic process. To OWS organizers and sympathizers—a WARNING, beware of wolves in sheep’s clothing, or in this case, coyotes howling at the moon.

In this regard, it would be smart if OWS campaigners across the country organized and conducted a “National Poor and Oppressed Peoples’ Conference.” The Conference would permit the development of a national resistance organization with a national agenda, and elected representatives to articulate goals and objectives of a national determination. By doing so, OWS will evolve into a progressive movement capable of forging revolutionary changes.

This movement must become anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and anti-racist, developing national programs such as Universal Health Care; Student and Home Owner/Worker Credit Debt Relief; Employment Enactment and Training Programs; National Wealth Distribution/Tax Program; National Environmental Preservation Program; Immigration Relief Program; Domestic Security and International Anti-Aggression Protection Act; Natural Resource and Energy Commission; Social Justice and Penal Redemption Program (to include the demand for the amnesty and release of U.S. political prisoners), to name a few of the issues to be made part of a national agenda. The National Poor and Oppressed Peoples’ Conference would formulate these issues into a national agenda that would forge organized resistance challenging the system in a mass and popular movement.

I believe it is fair to say the decentralized and undefined OWS is presently a weak expression of poor and oppressed peoples’ disenfranchisement. The government has, under the First Amendment, permitted these protests essentially as a safety valve to grant the release of dissatisfaction. As we witness, the government will use the full force of its police/military tactics to quash any violent opposition to the status quo. It then behooves OWS protest campaigners to recognize its weakness and vulnerability to provocateurs, saboteurs, and being co-opted by opportunists and reformists seeking to embellish their own legacy of civil rights capitalism. OWS protest campaigners must realize the long-term fight ahead if they sincerely seek to challenge and change America. America’s plutocratic and military leaders have absolutely no intentions of relinquishing power, authority or wealth as a result of these protests. The task ahead is formidable, but a New American Revolution is possible; it is needed and necessary not only for poor and oppressed peoples in the United States, but for the billions of poor and oppressed peoples around the world.

Resisting Exploitation & Oppression is a Human Right!

In fierce struggle,

Jalil A, Muntaqim
November 5, 2011

Occupy Wall Street Protest and U.S. Political Prisonerd

2011-10-26T19:27:00.000-07:00

October 18, 2011

Friends and Supporters:

I feel compelled to offer these concerns and sentiments due to perceived challenges and opportunities. Over six months ago, I urged NYC activists in support of political prisoners to begin the process to resurrect the old civil rights tactics of occupation/sit-ins, picket-line strikes and demonstrations. Specifically, I suggested that Harlem State Office Building where the State Division of Parole maintains an office should be identified for this kind of action. I argued that it was time for the NYC progressive activist community to take the initiative to challenge the system, and employ age-old tactics of putting feet on the pavement to challenge the system to free our political prisoners. Unfortunately, there was no interest to “up the ante” and build a visible opposition to the current prison and parole situation.

When considering the impressive level of support cultivated and organized to spare the life of Troy Davis, we political prisoners in NYS can only wonder what kind of impact that would have had on NYS DOCS and Division of Parole on our collective condition. Although the state of Georgia failed to spare the life of Troy Davis, there is no doubt they were under tremendous pressure. I sincerely doubt, if such pressure was directed on NYS in support of our issue, NYS would be unable to deny our demands. This is especially true when considering there would be no finality to our issues. When considering the extent of support and attention given to California Pelican Bay hunger strikers, that will eventually force major changes in SHU prison policies, we need to ask why NYS activists are perceptually silent on prison and parole issues?

These concerns virtually speak to a weakness in political leadership and organization in NYC and NYS in the progressive community. It points the finger to the debacle of sectarian divisions and perceived personality arrogance stifling or prohibiting united and uniform action. This kind of praxis needs to come to an abrupt halt. There needs to be a complete and utter change in political attitude and practice among NYC and NYS progressive communities, one of cooperation and unity.

Since 1998, the Jericho Amnesty Movement has consistently represented the existence of U.S. political prisoners. No doubt, after the passing of Sister Safiya A. Bukhari, Jericho suffered in direction and leadership, although the organizational determination and ideal was kept alive. Now, under new leadership, the Jericho Amnesty Movement has taken a bold and giant leap forward by sponsoring the building of a National Confederation and the implementation of a five-year strategy. Again, NYC and NYS progressive activist communities are found recalcitrant in their failure to join and support this potentially historic forward development in support of U.S. political prisoners. In my amazement, despite my own idealism, it is obvious to me that young people in this country are ready and prepared to take matters to the streets. Where those who have decades and years of political experience are failing to take bold and courageous action, young people are ready to act, to resurrect the age-old tactics of the civil rights movement of occupation, sit-ins and demonstrations. In essence, the more “liberal left” has stepped ahead and in front of the “old guard” progressive left community and gone “postal”. They are mad as hell and not taking it anymore!

Here, I humbly urge NYC and NYS progressive activists to read my essay “Toward a New Amerikan Revolution” and determine for yourself if it speaks directly to the issue of “Occupy Wall Street.” If you agree that it does, I ask that if be printed and distributed at Occupy Wall Street. If possible, if each of you could distribute a hundred copies asking the recipient to do the same, as in a chain distribution, perhaps it will serve to offer broader insights on its organizational potential and determination. If there is going to be an opportunity to prohibit the Occupy Wall Street demonstration from becoming a flash in the pan protest, and ensure it evolves into a mass and popular movement that challenges the foundation of this capitalist-imperialist system, we need to introduce and interject revolutionary ideals and politics. I believe we will agree the Occupy Wall Street demonstration is not anti-capitalist, it is not anti-imperialist, although these sentiments are a trend within the demonstration it is not revolutionary. The “liberal left” and non-profit entities sponsor and are giving expression to the demonstration. When the winter weather sets in the physical and visible demonstration will dissipate, leaving in its wake a spirited but divided demonstration that will probably dissolve into electoral protest movement. Needless to say, “Toward a New Amerikan Revolution” addresses these concerns, and presents an alternative political vision for a mass and popular movement.

Just as importantly, NYC and NYS progressive activists must introduce and rally Occupy Wall Street to recognize the existence of U.S. political prisoners, and to demand the amnesty and release of our numbers. I personally ask that the Jericho Amnesty Movement and the building of the National Confederation be introduced to Occupy Wall Street in furtherance of strengthening and uniting the initiative to forge a mass and popular movement that includes U.S. political prisoners in the national debate.

Friends and Supporters, from this cell in Attica Correctional Facility, on my 40^th birthday in incarceration, I offer theses reflections and concerns with the hope this will be received with kindness and generosity. Needless to say, we are in troubling times, and it is expected that it will get much worse before it gets any better. We, the progressive activist community, can no longer operate in sectarian division, lacking courage to take decisive action, but rather, we must resurrect a revolutionary determination of human rights and international solidarity with workers around the world.

Check www.freejalil.com to read “Toward a New Amerikan Revolution.”

Respectfully,

Jalil

Prisoners Rights are Human Right

Anthony Jalil Bottom #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149, Attica NY 14011-0149

There Is No Victory Without Struggle

2011-10-16T09:58:00.000-07:00

In February 2007, I was removed from Auburn Correctional Facility, and transferred to San Francisco County Jail, a place I had not been since 1972. I was immediately placed in a segregated isolation unity, the last of five cells next to the shower with no windows, no ventilation, and celled next to a prisoner who was mentally unstable—talking 18 hours out of 24 hours a day. The other three prisoners were either detoxing from drug addiction or void of any social skills which required them to be removed from the general jail population. Every time leaving the isolation unit, I was placed in handcuffs, waist chains, and leg shackles. Visits were over a phone, separated from my visitor by a thick plexiglass window. Now, imagine that less than 8 hours before, I had been cooking my own meals (I was housed in the Honor Block in Auburn), having access to the phone every day, and being allowed contact visits. Talk about a major psychological challenge, and I admit it was not easy. For the first several weeks I had trouble sleeping and I felt like I was losing it. I decided to begin sleeping on the floor close to the gate to get a little bit of air from under the security door outside the isolation unit.

Now, imagine every Saturday, having the opportunity to sit in a room with my comrades and lawyers for several hours, facing them and dealing with all of the issues we were collectively confronting. Imagine the fighting spirit of serious warriors, of committed men and women (lawyers), ready and prepared to do battle against a formidable foe. This foe was not just the State of California, there was also the federal government agents and unseen government forces that had targeted us. But from the very beginning, we knew we would be victorious, especially considering the degree of support from the SF8 Support Committee.

The SF8 Support Committee put their hearts and souls into building the support to have the charges dropped. They not only organized the entire Bay Area activist community to support us, they got Berkeley City Council, San Francisco City Council, unions, clergy, and international supporters to demand the charges be dropped. In fact, someone placed a giant sign on a San Bruno mountain to be seen by all motorists driving into San Francisco. That was huge!

[postscript: someone needs to cover the Hollywood sign in support of the Pelican Bay hunger strikers]

It was this kind of encouragement, this tenacity, this determination that I needed to keep me strong during that trying period. So, once again, I want to thank all of you for your support and sacrificing your time, energy, and resources to ensure our collective victory.

The SF8 victory is a prime example of what can be done when activists are focused, united, and determined to win. A one famous maxim teaches, “know your enemy, know yourself, a thousand battles, a thousand victories.” There is no doubt that the SF8 Support Committee knew their capacity and capability to organize support to influence the entire political dynamic we were confronting. It was a triumphant accomplishment!

To every member of the SF8, I wish to thank you for all I have learned, my personal growth and development, from an 18 year old militant to a 60 year old great grand father (ha!), surviving the madness of 40 years of imprisonment. However, for Richard O’Neil, I have one question: Why didn’t they have all of these singing competitions on TV when we was singing Do-Wops as teens? No doubt, we would have won! (Ha!).

Have a wonderful celebration, it is well deserved!!

Humbly Submitted,

Jalil

10/11/11

Jalil Muntaqim/ A. Bottom 77A4283, Attica C.F.
P.O. Box 149
Attica, NY 14011-0149

When Food Becomes A Weapon

2011-10-16T09:10:00.000-07:00

Over the last several decades, governments have used food asa bargaining chip to secure power and authority. They have stored food, theyhave subsidized farmers, telling them what to grow or destroy, and they haveset tariffs inflating the price and expense of food. Governments have used foodas a weapon to determine who will be fed and who will starve. There is nogreater example than how man sub-Saraha African peoples suffer at the hands ofWestern nations’ control and genetic engineering of agriculture seeds subjectto African governments’ adherence to Western style democratic demands ofgovernance. While here in the U.S. farmers are told what and when to plant acrop, or how many cattle to bring to the market in order to influence andcontrol the commodity markets. As a political and economic weapon, those whocontrol food dictate the course of humanity.

But what is to be said of those who forego the taking offood, who voluntarily deprive themselves of food? They are also using food as aweapon. Not a weapon of government aggression, control or oppression. Rather,for them food becomes a reminder to the rich and powerful of their oppressionand greed. It speaks to avarice and corruption. So is the course of the Californiaprisoners’ hunger strike originating at the Pelican Bay Special Housing Units.

The hunger strikers are taking the power into their ownhands and defining how food will be used as a tool of salvation and liberation.I remember in the 1980’s myself and 5 other prisoners in Comstock, New Yorkprison went on an 11-day hunger strike to change conditions in its SpecialHousing Unit. After 7 days on nothing but water, we were moved to the hospitalfor observation. When the prison authorities saw we were serious, they relentedand ensured that our demands for changes in the conditions in Comstock SHUwould be met. It was our unity and steadfastness that served to inform andinstruct prison authorities that they had taken everything they possibly couldfrom us except our human dignity. When we collectively decided not to take infood, it became our weapon to fight back.

The Pelican Bay and California prisoner hunger strikers mustbe supported in every conceivable way possible to ensure their sacrifice is notin vain. They must be empowered by California political activists to demand thegovernment stop using food as a weapon in the SHU’s to maintain prisonauthorities’ capacity to oppress and repress prisoners’ humanity. While I amnot in a position to instruct California activists on how to support theprisoner hunger strikers, it is obvious California prison authorities are irreconcilableto the demands of the prisoner strikers. Hence, the California activistsupporters must be just as resolute; in fact, they must become more adamant inexposing the lies, alibis and excuses of prison authorities for not recognizingtheir own inhumane treatment into a formidable anti-racist prisoner supportmovement, supporting the prisoner hunger strikers, ensuring their demands aregranted. There must not be a single prisoner’s death as a result of thisprotest. Which ultimately means that time is the enemy of the prisoner hungerstrikers and California activists. These activists must become extremely vocal,establish a constant presence in numbers, and be adherent in principle to thedemands of the prisoner hunger strikers.

Rally outside Pelican Bay Prison

In closing, permit me to say to all California activists insupport of the Pelican Bay hunger strikers, here, food is a weapon, and nonedeserve the right to enjoy any of it for as long as the Pelican Bay hungerstrikers suffer and sacrifice. So, let the hunger of freedom swell in yourbellies, knowing that with every morsel you will be liberating a prisoner fromthe racist tyranny of the California Department of Correction

Humbly submitted,

Jalil Muntaqim

October 7, 2011

Jalil Muntaqim/ A. Bottom 77A4283, Attica C.F. P.O. Box 149 Attica, NY 14011-0149

Pillars of the Community

2011-10-16T08:53:00.000-07:00

“And he set up the pillars in the porch of the temple: and he set up the right pillar, and called the name thereof Jachin: and he set up the left pillar, and called the name thereof Boaz.”

KJV 1 Kings 7-21

The above quote speaks to the first building of the Temple by Solomon and King Hiram, which established the foundation to strengthen King Solomon’s rule in Jerusalem (City of Peace). It alludes to how religion and worship served to form a community recognizing the need for pillars to hold up the ethics and morality of social order. Today, these same principles apply when we look into the Black and minority community; generally it is the church, temples and mosques that are the foundation and pillars of the community. However, when considering the conditions of the community, we find ethics and morality in short supply. While the faith based institutions are the pillars from which security and stability are to be ensured, yet, the faith based institutions are more often found to be self-insular and abiding a system of government that from its very nature, in my opinion, is corrupt. In essence the pillars are corroded and crumbling, and the poor and oppressed peoples are suffering with little assistance from faith based institutions and government.

When Martin Luther King, Jr. wrote his Letter from a Birmingham Jail, he charged the faith based community of ethical and moral bankruptcy, for their failure to challenge government laws of institutional racism. In his letter, Dr. King called for them to take the struggle to the streets, to protest and demonstrate as an expression of their faith and humanity. Over a period of time they responded, strengthening the civil rights movement, demanding the U.S. government to recognize it was not living up to its creed and motto. Right before his assassination, Dr. King came to the conclusion that the U.S. government is the greatest purveyor and harbinger of violence in the world. Fifty years after the advent of the civil rights movement, Dr. King’s words and determination ring ever more true!

In my book, We Are Our Own Liberators, in the chapter “Religion and Revolution,” I sought to speak to the issue of “liberation theology,” acknowledging that in 1999, the Progressive National Baptist Convention, called “for the end to jailing and killing of Black youth.” Unfortunately, since then, little has been done to reverse the continued flow of young Black and Brown men and women being ushered into the multi-billion dollar prison industry. While everyone knows the U.S. government confines more of its citizens than any other industrialized nation in the world, there has been little to no challenge to the root cause and effect o the proliferation of this inhumane growth industry. Although the progressive community has sought to support prisoners’ protests, such as in Lucasville, Ohio, Georgia, and Pelican Bay, California hunger strikers, the faith based institutions have been mostly absent and silent. There has been a disconnect and isolation, voiding a fundamental issue that faith based institutions should be circling around in an all out war challenging the ethical and moral fiber of U.S. racist political and judicial system.

Therefore, I am raising this concern as a challenge to the progressive community(s), for them to directly confront the institutional pillars of the community, the religious institutions, and demand they join in the prison abolitionist struggle. It is important to make this connection as a means to broaden the base of support in the community, and empower the struggles of prisoners seeking to serve their time without the threat of racist violence by prison guards, and to have fair and impartial parole systems. But just as importantly, to forge a working relationship that challenges the social and public policies that create conditions for crime and anti-social behavior to exist in the poor and oppressed communities. This means, to build bridges where creating alternative to prison is paramount, and young folks are encouraged to remain in school, establishing after school programs, and enjoining young people to become a part of the overall struggle, stemming the timed of their incarceration.

In light of the recent memorial of Dr. King (statue) in Washington, D.C., it seems fitting to up the ante in this second prison (slavery) abolitionist movement. Needless to say, this is a daunting challenge, but no more daunting than when Dr. King wrote his Letter from a Birmingham Jail.

Prisoners’ Rights are Human Rights!

In fierce struggle

Jalil A. Muntaqim

08/2011

Jalil Muntaqim/ A. Bottom 77A4283, Attica C.F.
P.O. Box 149
Attica, NY 14011-0149

The Language of Politics

2011-10-16T08:34:00.000-07:00

Mao Tse Tung wrote that "politics is war without bloodshed, and war is politics with bloodshed". Theoretically, this statement has merit in terms that often antagonism in politics, between governments, results in organized bloodshed, warfare. However, generally, the nature of belligerent actions between nation-states and/or state forces and it's inhabitants is due to economics. I believe we can comfortably say such antagonism and belligerency is a result of negative revenue appropriation and distribution, and/or control of the means and mode of production. If this is true, then, it can more honestly and appropriately be proposed "politics is the language of economics."

As is often said in revolutionary jargon, people do not fight for ideas, they fight for bread. Essentially, our greatest success in organizing the poor and oppressed has been when providing social services for the people. In so doing, effective organizing was done, providing ideological and political determinants to confront state power and authority. Therefore, it behooves today’s revolutionaries to forge a language that serves to teach and encourage economic development in communities that are suffering. That seems like an obvious observation and corresponding relationship, yet, more often than not, activists are perplexing the struggle with confrontations against state repression. They get caught up in these power struggles opposing state repression, and fail to address the needs of their people in the more fundamental concern for bread.

Most recently, the U. S. government, the House, made significant cuts in food production for the poor. “The Agriculture Department oversees a vast array of food assistance programs, all of which were cut in the House bill. It reduces spending for a program that supplements food for women and children to roughly $6 billion from $6.7 billion this year. Food for Peace, a program that helps feed poor people overseas, was reduced to just over $1 billion from $1.49 billion in current spending." (NY Times 'A Tough Day for Farmers as Lawmakers look for Cuts', 61711 1- -These-- in food aid for the poor and various agricultural programs on June 16, 2011, will undoubtedly lend to the growth of hunger in this country.

Hence, politics being the language of economics lend to a praxis that is directly confronting the root of the problem affecting the poor and oppressed. The means and mode of production and distribution of wealth, with all of its ramifications certainly serves to forge divisions and conflict among peoples, races, ethnic groups, religion, etc., instigating class/national struggles.

While this supposition appears obvious, unfortunately, little attention by progressives has been focused on this reality. I think this failure is primarily because activists are uncertain about the type or kind of system that will arise out of the ashes of capitalist-imperialist demise. In either case, the challenges that are confronting the movement are here, and a national determination to confront these class divisions must be addressed.

Since politics is the language of economics, we need to forge a revolutionary language that speaks in term of economic development. A language that institutes the ideal of freedom and liberation subject to wrestling wealth from those who control and hoard wealth. With the various weather related calamities devastating Americans, including farm lands, it is expected food production to decrease, homelessness, and dependence on government food subsidies to rise. Here lies the contradiction, when the government is cutting food and agricultural subsidies, essentially worsening the problem.

So, I would like to open a dialogue among activists on this specific issue. What type of government system do we hope to construct as a result of a successful revolutionary movement? What will it look like, and how do revolutionaries begin the process of building the economic institutions that will serve our revolutionary determination? Obviously, in my humble opinion, it is time for another National Poor Peoples March on Washington, D.C., to camp out on the Washington Mall and demand food, jobs and economic justice! ! !

People fight for bread, not ideas...

In fierce struggle:

Jalil A.Muntaqim

June 2011

Jalil Muntaqim/ A. Bottom 77A4283, Attica C.F.
P.O. Box 149
Attica, NY 14011-0149