Monday, May 6, 2013


Blog #20
Blow-Back?!
Reading the Saturday, April 13, 2013, issue of the New York Times, I came across an article, “Rights Groups, in Letter to Obama, Question Legality and Secrecy of Drone Killings,” byline Scott Shane. The nine-page letter sent to Obama by the American Civil Liberties Union, Amnesty International, Human Rights First, Open Society Foundations, the Center for Constitutional Rights and other groups challenged the U.S. so-called counterterrorism campaigns. A week earlier, I saw a photo of 8 Afghani children wrapped in their funeral shrouds to be buried after succumbing to a U.S. drone strike on a community, allegedly to kill an Islamic militant. When I read the article concerning the photo, it discussed the anguish of the parents of these children, asking the question why were their children killed. The story brought to mind the many babies that were killed by Timothy McVeigh in the Oklahoma bombing. I thought about the police bombing and killing men, women and children of the MOVE family in Philadelphia, and I thought about the babies/children being killed (although disproportionately) between Zionist Israeli and Islamist Palestinians. Needless to say, there are far too many babies/children being victimized in these geo-political or domestic conflicts.
Reading this article about the letter to Obama, it was reported, “While not directly calling the (drone) strikes illegal under international law, the letter lists what it calls troubling reports of the criteria used by the Central Intelligence Agency and the Pentagon’s Joint Special Operations Command to select targets and assess results.” Essentially, the groups put forward the proposition that far too many innocent civilians are being killed by the U.S. government. Specifically, it was reported, “Gabor Rona, the international legal director of Human Rights First, said that the letter to Mr. Obama reflected increasing concern that government secrecy has hidden grave legal and practical problems with the strikes.” He is quoted as stating, “The more the administration is rightly forced to disclose about who it is killing and why, ... the more obvious it becomes that the practice is growing, is illegal in its scope, is causing large-scale civilian casualties and is a slow-moving train wreck with serious blowback consequences to U. S. national security.”
The word “blowback” was especially poignant, simply because it raises the question of the prospects of continued U.S. civilian casualties as a result of this wrong-headed military foreign policy to contain and control Islamic militants. It is extremely important to note, I am not a supporter of Al-Qaeda or suicide-bombings or the irrational indiscriminate killing of civilians. In the 60’s & 70’s, the militant revolutionary forces were particularly careful not to injure/kill civilians. It was believed that the revolutionary armed struggle at that time sought to “win the people” to the side of the anti-war and anti-police brutality-murder struggle as anti-racist and anti-U.S. imperialism.
However, this concern for “blowback” is one that should concern all U.S. civilians, no matter their political persuasion. If a U.S. foreign policy raises the prospects of retaliatory blowback, then perhaps the civilian population has a right to question that foreign policy, beyond the government’s demagoguery of keeping the American public safe. Is it?
The recent incident in Boston, abhorrent as it was, speaks to a bigger picture than the individuals who committed the act. Unfortunately, mainstream media is parroting the talking heads of government, glossing over U.S. drone strikes and other foreign policy that have made U.S. citizens targets both nationally and internationally. I believe these legal-civil-human rights groups should be concerned about Obama’s use of unmanned drones, cruise missiles, fighter jets and helicopter gunship strikes on civilian populations seeking the demise of Islamic militants. In fact, there should be a general outcry of how this policy is potentially putting the American populace in greater harm. Needless to say, I would hate to see my Mom or children blown up on a bus, train or plane because an Islamic militant sought to revenge the death of his family caused by U.S. hands. The idea of acceptable collateral damage is unacceptable.
Failing to respond to these concerns, the U. S. government is generally ensuring that the American populace for the foreseeable future will need to confront increasing domestic militarization and insecurity.
In Fierce Struggle
Jalil A. Muntaqim
Attica 4/25/13
Anthony Jalil Bottom, #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149, Attica NY 14011-0149

Monday, February 25, 2013

Blog #19: Targeted Killing



The U.S. Senate and various arms of the media are questioning the Obama administration’s use of drones for targeted killings of U.S. citizens who are members of Jihadist Islamic groups. Senator Ron Wyden, an Oregon Democrat and member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, is quoted as stating his intent to: “pull out all the stops to get to the actual legal analysis, because without it, in effect, the administration is practicing secret law.” (NY Times, 2/7/13)
On August 25, 1967, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBU, initiated a counterintelligence program (COINTELPRO). On page 3, the memo reads: “You are also cautioned that the nature of this new endeavor is such that under no circumstances should the existence of this program be made known outside the Bureau, and appropriate in-office security should be afforded to sensitive operations and techniques considered under the program.”
The COINTELPRO operation has been legalized under the auspices of the Patriot Act, so that the purposed of COINTELPRO as originally initiated is no longer unconstitutional. As a result of COINTELPRO, many Black Panthers during that time were targeted for killing, the most noted probably being Fred Hampton and Mark Clark in Chicago. The point is that the U.S. government has been involved in secret targeted killings of U.S. citizens for decades; many remember the bombing of the MOVE family in Philadelphia, from which collateral damage resulted in an entire community being destroyed.
So, as the Senate Intelligence Committee proclaims astonishment that the Obama would engage in a secret program to use drones to target and kill U.S. citizens deemed “terrorists,” historically the U.S. government has been engaged in this practice for decades. “The purpose of this new counterintelligence endeavor is to expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize the activities of Black nationalist, hate-type organizations and groupings, their leadership, spokesmen, membership and supporters, and to counter their propensity for violence and civil disobedience.” Given the reality that drones are now being operated inside the U.S., coupled with the legalization of “neutralizing” U.S. citizens deemed “terrorists” by virtue of the Patriot Act and the broader 2012 National Defense Authorization Act, the progressive anti-imperialist and anti-racist activists should become wary. This is especially true when considering the FBI’s March 9, 1968 COINTELPRO memorandum that specifically stated: “Negro youths and moderates must be made to understand that, if they succumb to revolutionary teachings, they will be dead revolutionaries.”
The propensity of the U.S. government to kill (neutralize) its citizens to maintain the status quo corporate profit motive, i.e. capitalist-imperialist government, should not be mistaken in any activist’s mind. The U.S. government, in its desperation to seek profits over the needs of people, will become ever more repressive. The overt development of the police state, with media acquiescence, presenting a moral imperative that members of law enforcement, by virtue of having passed a civil service exam, are heroes, creates a profound social contradiction. Whereas law enforcement personnel are to serve and protect citizens, the greater potential exists that they will operate as corporate automatons to preserve the capitalist ideal of profits over people.
Hence, there is a need for initiating a broad-based national dialogue of the relationship between poor and oppressed peoples and law enforcement. This is essential to obviate the U.S. government’s long history of targeted killing of citizens, dissenters or otherwise! (See Blog #2: Government Sanctioned Killings)
In fierce struggle,
Jalil A. Muntaqim
Attica: 2-19-13
Jalil Muntaqim/A. Bottom   77A4283, Attica C.F.
  P.O. Box 149
  Attica, NY 14011-0149

Blog #18: Divest from the PIC to End Mass Incarceration

Having recently learned of the diatribe among erudite scholars challenging the premise of Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, I found the entire matter self-serving from each side. Often it is the case that intellectuals debate the validity of their works and avoid taking the necessary step of testing their theories in real life — doing the work in the streets. Where Michelle’s work reached people who had not been aware of the conditions of mass incarceration, the debate serves to broaden the dialogue, possibly giving clarity to what actions need to be taken.
But let us not permit the hope of scholars to lead the way to disturb the potential to organize a mass and popular movement. In this regard, I would urge folk to re-read, or read if they have not already, my writings in 1994: The Cold War of the ’90s and The Criminalization of Poverty in Capitalist America. I believe that you will note that back in 1994, I was sounding the alarm about mass incarceration. What now? For those activists who are conscious, especially after years of Critical Resistance’s inability to substantiate a national determination, let’s consider forging a campaign of divestment.
Prison is big business in this country, and for one corporation it is big business around the world. Corrections Corporation of America owns most of the private prisons and sells its stock and shares on the New York Stock Exchange. Its major stockholder is the Paine Webber Group. The multi-billion dollar industry has the capacity to influence public policy to ensure laws are implemented that preserve their capacity to influence public policy to ensure laws are implemented that preserve their capacity to operate and profit. For example, in the Corrections Corporation of America, 2010 Annual Report, it stated:
“The demand for our facilities and services could be adversely affected by the relaxation of enforcement efforts, leniency in conviction or parole standards and sentencing practices or through the decriminalization of certain activities that are currently proscribed by our criminal laws. For instance, any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or illegal immigrants could affect the number of persons arrested, convicted, and sentenced, thereby potentially reducing demand for correctional facilities to house them.”
During the struggle to end South African apartheid, activists across the country and around the world initiated a divestment campaign. Since prisons are big business, and mass incarceration serves to ensure profits for prisons, the logical/rational deduction is to identify and expose investors in the PIC, and demand that they divest. In essence, the challenge is to take the profits out of the prison system. A divestment movement of the PIC addresses the issue of mass incarceration in pragmatic terms, changing the paradigm of incarceration as a public safety issue, when it is actually a profit-motivated institution.
When talking about public safety, it is extremely important to know that people are the motivating force in creating history. Therefore, public safety is not an issue of law enforcement and the judicial system leading to imprisonment. Public safety is a matter of the public taking responsibility for their behavior in a revolutionary context. Public safety is citizens patrolling their own communities; it is parents taking responsibility for their children; it is developing after-school programs and community centers; public safety is generating funds for better educational facilities as opposed to prisons; public safety is housing the homeless and feeding the disenfranchised; it is giving folks employment at living wages and forging revolutionary communities. Changing the paradigm of public safety removes the demand for repressive law enforcement and a racist judicial system. All of which must become part of principled dialogue and determination by the PIC divestment movement to take the profit out of prison to end mass incarceration. Let’s initiate a national divestment movement, a take the profit out of prisons campaign, first identifying corporations invested in private and public prisons and tying them to the horrors of the public policy that supports mass incarceration.
In fierce struggle,
Jalil A. Muntaqim,
Attica, February 14, 2013
Jalil Muntaqim/A. Bottom   77A4283, Attica C.F.
  P.O. Box 149
  Attica, NY 14011-0149

 

Tuesday, January 1, 2013

The Parole Board and the P.B.A.:One and the Same?


Blog #17: The Parole Board and the P.B.A.:
One and the Same?
In Blog #12 “NYS Division of Parole—A Den of Iniquity?” subject to a New York Law Journal article by John Caher, I offered my take on his article about the rift between NYS Division of Parole and the legislature. Essentially, NYS Division of Parole fails to fully implement new legislation providing Parole Commissioners “… with political cover if they release someone with a violent past, or someone whose crime resulted in the death of a police officer …” [quoted from NYS Assemblyman Jeffrion Aubry]. The new legislation offered Parole Commissioners a new tool to evaluate a prisoner’s prospect to be granted release on parole and not recidivate.
Since then, NYS Division of Parole has ignored the “Risk Assessment” tool, especially as it pertains to prisoners convicted of assault or the death of a police officer. On November 26, 2012, John Caher published an article in the New York Law Journal titled “Ex-Parole Commissioners Decry Rescission of ‘Cop-Killer’ Release.” This time, Mr. Caher informs that six (6) former members of the Parole Board, including one former Chairman of the Board, filed an unprecedented Amicus Curiae (Friend of the Court) Brief in support of two prisoners’ appeals to the NYS Appellate Court appealing their denial of parole.
Both prisoners were convicted in separate cases in the death of a police officer. One prisoner was granted parole after several denials. Then, a couple of days before he was to be released, the Parole Board rescinded his release due to concerted (late) opposition from the NYC Police Benevolent Association (PBA), The Daily News, and letters from the victim’s family urging the board to reconsider its decision.
On appeal, the former Parole Commissioners proclaim that the PBA has too much influence over the decision-making process of the Parole Board. The Amicus Brief is reported to state:
“The Parole Board cannot treat victims or prisoners fairly in an atmosphere that is easily sensationalized and conducive to improper influence.”
In response, PBA President Lynch holds the position that “cop killers” should never, ever get parole. Such a position is contrary to the ideal of fairness and justice according to the law. If a convicted person is not sentenced to life without parole, the presumption and expectation by law is that person can be granted release on parole. This presumption and expectation is based upon the prisoner’s behavior while serving the Court-imposed sentence, moving toward rehabilitation and redemption.
As an example, in the case of Silmon v. Travis, 718 NYS 2d. 704, at 708, a prisoner convicted of killing his wife continuously proclaimed his innocence. Because he would not admit his guilt or show remorse for his actions, he was denied release on parole. The Court ruled: “However, the Board is empowered to deny parole where it concludes that release is incompatible with the welfare of society. Thus, there is a strong rehabilitative component in the statute that may be given effect by considering remorse and insight …” The Court further held that, “Additionally, if an individual has been convicted of a crime, it is generally not the Board’s role to reevaluate a claim of innocence, either by someone who maintains innocence in the face of a guilty verdict, or by someone who allocates to the facts (plea bargain) but later claims to be innocent.” Hence, the Court effectively establishes the Parole Board can deny release on parole to a prisoner who continuously proclaims his/her innocence despite the conviction, and that parole consideration should be granted if the prisoner shows remorse and has moved toward rehabilitation.
The two “cop killers” featured in the New York Law Journal article both had exemplary prison records and neither was the actual shooter during the crimes for which they were convicted. During their parole hearings they expressed remorse for their participation in the crime, and both had tremendous support for release on parole. Yet the PBA launched, in September, a “Keep Cop-Killers in Jail” web initiative, listing 64 prisoners that their members and supporters can oppose release on parole. Albert O’Leary, communications director of the NYC PBA, “said in the first two weeks of the initiative 300,000 opposition letters were electronically delivered directly to the Parole Board.” He is further reported to have said, “Our policy at the PBA is, if you are convicted of killing a police officer, we are going to oppose your parole forever, because we believe cop killers should never see the light of day …”
At my last parole (the seventh), one Parole Commissioner had been a 20-year member of the NYC Police Department and a detective, and was currently a dues paying member of the Fraternal Order of Police and the Detective Endowment Association, and the other Parole Commissioner had been a Senior Investigator of the Crime Victims Board. As stated in Blog #12, the NYS Division of Parole is comprised primarily of former law enforcement personnel. All of which, unfortunately, makes it necessary to organize a continuous and persistent campaign for freedom. The Parole Board is no longer a quasi-judicial administrative institution, but has devolved into a political arm of law enforcement to decide how long a prisoner is to remain in prison despite Court-imposed sentences. For those convicted of the death of a police officer, the PBA’s proxy—the Parole Board—is imposing sentences of “life without parole” in a draconian act of political reprisal and retribution.
In this regard, I have asked friends and supporters, to initiate a monthly letter writing project, beginning in January 2013, directed to NYS Governor Andrew Cuomo and each member of the NYS Division of Parole listed on its website. These monthly letters should decry the PBA’s overwhelming influence over the NYS Division of Parole, and the failure of the Parole Board to adhere to its legislative mandate to make decisions subject to Risk Assessments and a prisoner’s efforts toward rehabilitation and redemption. To further urge that I be granted release on parole at my next scheduled parole hearing. While we may not be able to compete with the PBA’s web initiative, these continuous monthly letters will establish a persistent presence offsetting any backward notion of not having community support, or, in the words of the Court in Silmon v. Travis, “… release is incompatible with the welfare of society.”
The more we get folks to join in these monthly letter writings, the more of a positive impact for real change can be made. This is especially true for the eventual building of a “Community Prison and Parole Review Board with Ombudsman” as proposed in Blog #12.
In fierce struggle for freedom,
Jalil A. Muntaqim, Attica 12/25/12
Anthony Jalil Bottom 77A4283
Attica Correctional Fac.
Box 149, Attica NY
14011-0149





Saturday, December 1, 2012


“Obama Redux ’12”
America’s Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, Native Americans and poor whites resurrected the ideal of “HOPE” espoused by Barack Hussein Obama. For the most part, the color divide in the country raised their collective voice in the form of participatory democracy by re-electing Obama to the Presidency. Some pundits say the election gave Obama a mandate, others say it is a referendum opposing the extreme right. In either case, there is an overarching question to be asked of the Obama Presidency—“What Have You Done for Me Lately?”
This question begs the question, in accord with the maxim by Frederick Douglass, that “power concedes nothing without a demand. It never has and it never will …” What demands have been made of the Obama Administration in the last 4 years? It is easy to come to terms with this reality. Void a national political determination or agenda, the ideal of “HOPE” evolves into a mystical presumption.
For example, the young Hispanic community became vocal and mobilized demanding the implementation of the Dream Act. They petitioned, demonstrated and lobbied for immigration reform on this issue. While they did not accomplish everything they wanted during the competitive election year, Obama did sign into law a compromise immigration law giving immigrant children greater opportunity to not be deported. Similarly, the disproportionate disparity between the criminal penalty of possessing small amounts of crack cocaine compared to powder cocaine was narrowed, modifying the sentences of many Black and Hispanic prisoners who were suffering long prison sentences for crack cocaine convictions.
These examples indicate that, when an issue is made part of the national public political debate, the potential exists to influence and change public policy. Given this understanding, what should be made part of the national Black agenda when 13 percent of Blacks are unemployed compared to 7 percent of whites? This has created a greater drop in income since 2007 than any other racial group. Hence, Black household wealth, which had been concentrated in home ownership, had dropped to its lowest level in decades. This has led to 28 percent of Blacks as a whole and 37 percent of Black children poor, compared to 10 percent of whites as a whole and 13 percent of white children.
Although Obama managed to pass the Affordable Care Act into law, Blacks account for 44 percent of new HIV infections since 2009. Just as disturbing, according to a New York Times article titled “How Prisoners Make Us Look Good” by Sam Roberts:
“According to federal data, 3.1 percent of Black men were in state and federal prison at the end of 2010, compared with 0.5 percent of non-Hispanic whites and 1.3 percent of Hispanics. Among Black men 30 to 34, 7.3 percent were serving a sentence of more than a year. (A total of 748,000 adults were in local jails, 1.5 million were in state or federal prisons, 840,000 were on parole and 4 million were under supervised probation.)”
These facts speak directly and specifically to significant problems confronting a substantial portion of the general voting population that re-elected President Obama. But without a national political determination and agenda, there will not be a comprehensive and sustained demand made of the Obama Administration. Therefore, the answer to the question “What have you done for me lately?” is “What have you demanded I do for you?!”
President Obama has made it explicitly clear he does not represent Black America, despite overwhelming support and expectations of him. I believe he no longer deserves a pass, if he ever did. It is more than time for a Black national agenda to forge public policies that address the myriad problems that continue to keep Black Americans at the bottom of socio-economic development and prosperity, and in the disastrous throes of marginal existence.
Respectfully submitted,
Jalil A. Muntaqim
Attica 
11/13/12
Anthony Jalil Bottom,  #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149, Attica NY 14011-0149

Monday, November 12, 2012

Guest Blog by Judi Mirkinson


I am posting this Guest Blog by a dear long-time friend, Judi Mirkinson. Her essay speaks to our general concerns that I would like folks to consider. It’s lengthy but poignant, and I hope it raises discussion towards the question of leadership and forging a true “People’s National Agenda.”
Jalil A. Muntaqim
ELECTION TIME
Yes, it’s election time again: time to elect the president. Every four years Americans are told this is the pinnacle of our democracy. NO! The pinnacle of world democracy! The pundits will be pontificating, the billions will be flowing and the candidates will be slogging it out, drowning us with style over substance.
The US presidential elections are now endless affairs and handled almost like the World Cup or a baseball championship. The economy’s down; that means Romney is up. Romney refuses to release his tax returns: now Obama is up. Every little quote is analyzed, every stupid mistake made bigger. Sound bites abound—it doesn’t matter whether what a candidate says is actually true—people just have to listen. And after a while people begin to believe what they hear, no matter where the real truth lies.
People have a stake in believing it all and believing that voting every four years for one of the two major parties can make a difference. It’s essential that the electorate think they have a choice and a real voice in what kind of government we will have.
The New York Times, always attempting to bring more gravitas to the charade, laments: “The real issues will not be talked about, no solutions are being offered.” But the show goes on.
It’s not what one has to offer, it’s about how bad the other person is,
As the Republican speaker of the house John Boehner put it recently:
The American people probably aren’t going to fall in love with Mitt Romney. I’ll tell you this: 95 percent of the people that show up to vote in November are going to show up in that voting booth, and they are going to vote for or against Barack Obama.
The pols and polls keep saying it’s going to be a close race. It seems rather unbelievable, given the incredible excitement generated by Barack Obama only four years ago. One would think that Obama would continue to be the most ideal choice for the corporate ruling class. In reality, he’s a right to middle of the road Democrat who’s presided over a war and militarized security state. At the same time, he’s young, he’s charismatic and he speaks of the future and an America that cares for all the people. As the first African American president, he presents an America that has overcome its history—one that is perfect for the U.S. in this new, more complex world we live in.
It’s another “demonstration election”—a concept perfected in America and now exported all over the world. Choosing among a limited range of options creates the illusion of democracy, and the illusion of real choice. No longer can the U.S. support dictatorships—even if our interests coincide with theirs. Instead it applauds people’s power, which did away with Ferdinand Marcos, replacing him with someone with the exact same class interests and relationship to the United States. Arab Spring? It’s OK as long as generals decide who will be the next government
The truth is that people, whether in the US or anywhere else, want to vote and have a voice. But what kind of choice is it when both parties represent the elite?
These elections come in the midst of economic crisis and recession. Only a year ago, the occupy movement resonated among millions of people as it highlighted the inequities of capitalism. The politician (and advertisers—always looking to sell new products) cheerfully picked up on castigating the one percent. But in reality not much has changed. The rich are getting richer: Wall Street is making bigger and bigger profits. The Democrats can conveniently blame the Republicans for not cutting taxes on the rich, but their own tax plan leaves the rich with lower taxes than any time in the past 50 years.
WHAT ABOUT THE OPPOSITION?
Practically every four years or so most of the left—what there is of it—goes into hibernation and joins the campaign of the Democratic Party. Unions devote millions of dollars to see that the Democratic candidate gets elected. During the 2008 election, thousands of progressives—ranging from liberals to those who would consider themselves anti-imperialists went to swing states to register voters and get out the vote on Election Day. If you worked for a union you were made a Democratic Party worker de facto. Leftist and even Marxist-Leninist parties were split on the need to vote for Obama. Yes, he was still running to be the head of an imperial empire, but he sounded progressive and he wasn’t McCain. And the reality of the first Black president in a nation built on slavery and racial oppression was too big a deal to overlook.
Four years later, Obama has built up a record of outrageous attacks on civil liberties, expansion of drone warfare, and the continued killings of civilians in the name of fighting foreign terrorism—all things that could not and would not be tolerated under George Bush. Yet they are all but explained away, tolerated, or just ignored under Barack Obama.
What about the third party alternative? In 2000 Ralph Nader ran on the Green Party ticket. Millions voted for him because they were disgusted with the war mongering/austerity measures enacted by the Clinton administration. The Democratic Candidate, Vice President Al Gore, won the popular vote but lost the electoral vote when the right wing Supreme Court effectively disenfranchised thousands of voters in Florida and gave the state to George W. Bush. Progressives declared: “Gore lost because of the Green Party and Ralph Nader. Never Again.” If you even think of voting for a candidate other than the Democrat, you’re told you’re throwing away your vote. And not voting—because there’s no one you want to vote for? You’re told—well then, you have no right to criticize in the future.
The truth was that Obama excited the populace in general and the left in particular. And although that excitement has dissipated to a large degree and many speak of “disenchantment,” most will still vote for Barack Obama. It’s a combination of two things. One, people still believe in his “good intentions”—they feel he’s been given a bum deal, inherited an impossible economy and was completely blocked from carrying out his more liberal agenda by an impossible and partisan Congress. Two: the specter of the Republican Party is just too much to bear.
There’s a mythology, particularly suited to American ideology, that the personality and philosophy of each candidate and subsequent office holder make the difference. For instance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt is always credited with being the man who put in the new deal and ushered in the entire concept of the safety net because he was such a liberal and good guy responding to the depression. The fact that the country was on the brink of complete upheaval and that it was a period of great left wing success is completely ignored.
WHAT’S THE DIFFERENCE? IS THERE ANY?
Democracy is supposed to give you the feeling of choice, like Painkiller X and Painkiller Y. But they’re both just aspirin. Gore Vidal
It’s easy to say that there is virtually no difference between the Republicans and the Democrats. The Republicrats, as people like to call them, serve the same interests and answer to basically the same forces. Make no mistake. We’re living in a war-mongering militaristic society, which will pursue its agenda at all costs. And both parties are firm believers in and practitioners of this agenda,
Still there are differences; they’re just not as big as they’re made out to be.
The Republicans like to paint themselves as the party of good old-fashioned values and the glory of America. They say Obama doesn’t believe in America and is willing to sell out both the middle class and the rich because he’s a socialist: “Look at his health care plan.” Their subtext: Obama isn’t even an American. (Implied in all this: whisper, whisper—he’s Black). Their bottom line? We’re for the middle class! (The real bottom line—we’re for the rich)
The message of the Democrats is that they’re the party of the future: Forward looking, diverse and for the middle class (in America, no politician talks about the working class). They point to Obama’s support for abortion and gay marriage and his stands on immigration and health care. The bottom line? We’re for the middle class! (The real bottom line—we’re for the rich but we pretend we’re not)
THE LESSER OF TWO EVILS?
On foreign policy:
No difference. Obama has fulfilled his campaign promise of intensifying the war in Afghanistan and killing Osama Bin Laden. He has also unleashed drone warfare. This use of unmanned drone warfare has far-reaching implications. The U.S. no longer speaks of collateral damage. Rather, if you happen to be unlucky and killed by a drone, you must have been a terrorist, because otherwise you would have gotten out of the way. According to the White House. President Obama personally signs off on the target list. In May, this list included a 17-year-old girl. In a speech to the nation Obama declared: “The people who are on this list are active terrorists.” So now one country can kill at will, while another has no recourse. Contrary to the mythology being put forth by the military and its apologists, countless civilians are being killed, not only in Afghanistan and Pakistan, but also in Yemen and Somalia. From 2004-2011, 312 drones were deployed. 260 of those were under the Obama administration.
Despite all the death and destruction, the war in Afghanistan is unwinnable. In fact, the U.S. is once again actively courting the Taliban in peace talks. Although the troops have left Iraq, tens of thousands of contractors (read mercenaries) remain and Iraq continues to be unstable.
Obama supported the military incursion into Libya and is now threatening military action in Syria. He continues to threaten the government of Iran and completely supports the regime in Israel and its continued occupation of Palestine.
The sad reality is that, like in so many Empires before, few people in the U.S. care what happens to people around the world—as long as large numbers of Americans are not being killed. So, when it comes to foreign policy, whoever is the president now has carte blanche.
On the security state: No difference.
After 9/11 the Patriot Act authorized warrantless search and seizure as well as warrantless wiretaps—if it were deemed that terrorism was involved. Lists were compiled of thousands of potential “enemies of the state,” with emphasis placed on those of Muslim descent. This resulted in the creation of huge secret database—all in the name of national security.
Under Obama the security state has expanded exponentially. Rulings and practices that might have been denounced under Bush are now accepted and often lauded as evidence of a strong executive.
Obama has not closed Guantánamo. There are still 169 detainees being held there, with 46 of them to be held indefinitely, without judicial review. And any person suspected of being a member of a terrorist organization or associated with one can be detained indefinitely as well.
The President now has the power to order the killing of anyone—including American citizens—with an executive order if he considers them a terrorist or terrorist affiliated. In September 2011 this resulted in the killing of American citizen Anwar al Awlaki. This unprecedented targeting and subsequent assassination by predator drone of Mr. Awlaki took place without trial and on foreign soil in Yemen.
Sure, the government will allow some opposition—it’s good for the image of democracy and allows people to think there is more freedom than actually exists. There are the “good demonstrators”—who stay within the lines, do lobbying work and develop more and more non-profits. But the minute things get slightly out of hand—with big rowdy street demonstrators—the state damps down with a combination of arrests, grand juries and its ever-present corporate media machine.
On taxes: no, fundamental difference. Obama talks a good game, but in reality the rich now pay fewer taxes than at any time in the last 50 years. He says he wants to end special tax cuts for those who make more than $250,000. Even if this were implemented, the over-$250,000 crowd would still have far lower tax rates than they did 10 years ago. Romney paints this as embracing socialism and vows to extend all tax cuts,
Meanwhile, the rest of us are actually paying higher taxes. This comes in the form of higher fees for everything from registering your car to transportation to sales taxes. And we get less for our buck as services are slashed, tuition goes up and up and the entire infrastructure falls apart.
Immigration
There are still more than 11 million undocumented immigrants in this country. Without them, the country’s economy would not function.
There has been a growing movement by Latinos—both documented and undocumented—for immigration reform. Latino members of Congress, such as Rep. Luis Gutierrez, have risked Obama’s wrath by consistently fighting him on the issue. Responding to this pressure and the need for Latino voters, Obama issued an executive order in June that young undocumented immigrants would no longer be deported if they had come here before age 18, had been here five years and were working or in school. This ruling could affect more than a million Latinos. At the same time Obama still supports a militarized southern border and has pursued a draconian deportation policy. The Obama administration has deported more than 400,000 people, 30% more than were deported under Bush.
Mr. Romney does not support the Dream Act (which would pave a way for undocumented young people to become citizens). He also supports English-only laws. His campaign is focusing on the issue of employment and jobs for “legal” immigrants, contending that this is the way to solve the problem. Obviously, Romney will have trouble with the Latino vote—the fastest-growing bloc of voters in the U.S.
Abortion, Gay Marriage, Women’s Health and Health Care
The Democrats support the 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court ruling that legalized abortions. Obama has pushed through the Affordable Care Act, which is his version of health care reform. It allows children to stay on their parents’ health insurance until the age of 26, outlaws the use of preexisting conditions to deny coverage (although it does nothing to curtail the raise in rates if you do have a pre-existing condition) and allows some poor people without insurance to get lower cost insurance from insurance companies. There are at least 30 million uninsured—many of them children—so this new law will cut into that number.
Although the new health care law does expand some coverage, it does so at the expense of a single payer health care policy. Instead the Democrats opted for a plan that maintains the power of insurance companies—who of course are making huge profits off of people being sick. Most people—even those with insurance—are paying more for fewer services every year.
The Department of Health and Human Services (HSS) continues to fund some women’s health clinics and the Affordable Care Act mandates that all employed women with health insurance must be given free access to contraception through their insurers. The AHCA does mandate that insurers cover women’s screenings including those for diabetes, HIV, and counseling about violence. Yet the Obama Administration has caved into Republican pressure on women’s health. Earlier this year HSS issued a ruling mandating that girls under 16 must get a prescription from a doctor before they can get the so-called morning after pill (previously, this pill, sometimes known as Plan B, could be bought over the counter). Obama and Katherine Sibelius, the Secretary for Health and Human Services, routinely voice their continued support for the ban on federal funds for abortions.
The Democrats now solidly support gay marriage, making it part of their 2012 platform,
The Republicans are completely against gay marriage and support the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which defines marriage as only between one man and one woman. But polls show that even Republicans are changing their views. Interestingly, a recent questionnaire sent by the Republican Platform committee did not even mention the subject.
The Republicans are voracious in their fight against abortion—the Pope has nothing on them. They want to roll back Roe v. Wade and leave abortion laws to the states where Republican controlled legislatures are trying (and often succeeding) in making abortion illegal and women’s health inaccessible. This despite the fact that poll after poll says that the majority of Americans support abortion and overwhelmingly support contraception. But remember. Romney has to answer to a very vocal core sector of his party made up of evangelical Christians and exemplified by the Tea Party.
The Republicans have painted the Affordable Care Act as one step on the road to totalitarian socialism. Such is the level of debate during this election.
“It’s the economy, stupid.”
The famous phrase, uttered by Clinton strategist James Carville in the 1992 election predicting a Clinton win, still dominates political thinking, and the economy is not going well. The latest news in July show that unemployment remains the same at an official 8.2 percent This probably means it is at least 12% and in some communities (youth, people of color) as high as 25%.
For the first time since the depression, real income for the middle class has declined for the past decade. 1/10,000 of families (people who make more than 7 million per year) now control over 5% of the economy, up from 1% 40 years ago.
Traditionally, a bad economy has meant disaster for the incumbent. Whether this will hold true this year is questionable. But, it’s still too soon to tell.
MONEY MONEY MONEY.
It’s now predicted that the total 201Z election will cost more than 12 Billion dollars (and this is a conservative estimate). More than half of that will go to the presidential race, the bulk going to negative TV and online ads. This is compared with the 5 billion spent in 2008 (over a billion for the presidential race) and is much more than Bush and Kerry spent combined for the 2004 election.
It’s not as if this hasn’t happened before. Money has always run elections. The U.S. likes to point its finger at other countries’ corruption—but it’s as corrupt here as anywhere else. In fact, the amount of money now “required” to run a campaign is at an all-time high.
Two years ago the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on a case called Citizens United v. the Federal Election Commission. In this decision “a bitterly divided court” declared that corporations had the same rights as individuals and could not be curtailed from giving money in elections. Two months later, the Court ruled in Speechnow.org v. FEC that PACS (Political Action Committees) that did not contribute to specific candidates, parties or campaigns, could accept unlimited contributions from individuals, unions and corporations.
These decisions led to the creation of what’s known as Super PACS, unleashing unprecedented waves of money. Just this year, 26 billionaires have donated more than 61 million dollars to Super PACS. In July 2012, super billionaire Sheldon Adelsan (who bankrolled Newt Gingrich’s failed bid), said he was willing to give at least $100 million to defeat Obama. The right wing Koch brothers (who have contributed millions to anti-abortion and anti-gay marriage campaigns) have said they are willing to spend aver 400 million (yup, you’ve read that correctly) on the 2012 election.
As of August 1, super PACS have spent: $109,041.529—and that’s just the PACS.
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, speaking before a Congressional committee in July, put it this way:
“What the Supreme Court did in Citizens United is to say to these same billionaires and the corporations they control: ‘you own and control the economy; you own Wall Street; you own the coal companies; you own the oil companies. Now, for a very mall percentage of your wealth, we’re going to give you the opportunity to own the United States government.’ ”
Although many cities and states are now passing law and resolutions condemning the decision, just this June the court refused to hear a challenge to their ruling
Just to give some perspective:
In April the U.S. Congress cut $38.5 billion in government spending on so-called poverty programs: housing, healthcare and the like. Yet there are no limits to what they will spend to get elected. Half of those in Congress are certified mil1ionaires: 42% of the House and 67% of the Senate. The average House freshman of 2010 had a median income of $570,000. Compare this to the $45,000 median income of all those in the U.S.
You can’t run for President if you don’t have money. And once you are the president you make even more. Obama is now a millionaire, albeit a small one. Romney is worth over $200 million dollars. If elected he will be one of the richest men ever to hold office. In fact, he’s worth more than the past eight presidents combined!
WHO FUNDSWHOM?
In 2008 the majority of Wall Street money went to Obama. They were dissatisfied with Bush, and Obama’s opponent, John McCain, was clearly not going to win. Now, it’s four years later. Obama has basically done everything they would possibly want—from the appointments of economic advisors Lawrence Summers and Timothy Geitner to the bailing out of big banks. But Romney is a rich Wall Streeter himself and favors completely unbridled capitalism and the free market. Obama? He wants a “slight” tax on corporate spending—which in the eyes of Wall Street is a slight too much. It’s also not clear at this point who’s going to win. So, the donors hedge their bets: Bank of America, one of Romney biggest supporters, gives 75% of its contributions to Romney, but at the same time is giving some of the rest of the money to Obama.
So far the money raising breaks dawn this way: A majority of Wall Street and the finance sector (outside of Goldman Sachs) to Romney. Big Oil and Energy (Exxon and GE for instance): Romney. Agribusiness and the Health Insurance Industry: Romney.
Obama is getting his money from the Tech industry and Silicon Valley, which includes Microsoft and Google, women’s groups and some media (Comcast) (although not as much as last time), Hollywood—a huge source of funds; producer Jeffrey Katzenberg just gave 2 million himself; lawyers and lobbyists, and the big labor unions. A ton of money is also being raised by gay “bundlers” (people who are the largest money gatherers). One million was raised within 90 minutes of his announcement supporting gay marriage and the money keeps coming in.
WHO VOTED? WHO VOTES AND ATTACKS ON VOTING RIGHTS
It’s hard to get a proper read on exactly what percentage of eligible voters actually voted in the 2008 election. The reigning view is that about 62% voted. So if these numbers hold and this election is split almost 50/50, that means that the president would be elected by less than 1/3 of eligible voters.
In 2008 more than one quarter of the eligible electorate was people of color. For the first time the percentage of African Americans (64.7%) and whites (66.1%) who actually voted was nearly equal. African American women had the highest voter turnout rate (68.8%).
The number of African-Americans who voted in 2008 was 15% higher than those who voted in 2004. The number of Latino voters was 28% higher.
In 2012 the Census bureau also released data that said that for the first time in U.S. history “minority’“ births outnumber white or “majority births” (Time to change the nomenclature?)
Traditionally African Americans, Latinos, and women vote Democratic. This was certainly true in 2008. Young voters also went for Obama. In fact, the only demographic group that consistently votes Republican is older white men. With these numbers, Obama’s re-election should be a foregone conclusion. So the Republican-controlled legislatures came up with a solution. Curtail voting rights once again.
A little history: The right to vote is considered one of the basic rights of citizenship and it has been one of the cornerstones of the struggle for civil rights. After the Civil War, the 15th amendment to the Constitution extended the right to vote to Black males. The backlash against this was vicious: There were decades of violence and discriminatory voting laws which included poll taxes, literacy tests, the gerrymandering of districts and the disqualification of those who had been in prison—all to prevent Black people and other people of color from voting. The fight for enfranchisement involved hundreds of thousands of people and cost hundreds of lives. It was one of the cornerstones of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 60s. The culmination of this effort came in 1965 with the Voting Rights Act, which both guaranteed the right to vote and also put in place certain legal procedures to oversee individual state voting laws.
However, now there are moves to undo the VRA and once more institute fetters on voting.
In a report issued this year, the Brennan Center on Justice speculated that recent voting restrictions could affect more than 5 million voters. This in turn is more than the margin of difference in winning or losing the election. The restrictions are particularly stark in so-called swing states. In fact, 5 of 12 states considered swing states have already enacted legislation curtailing voting rights. The 19 states that have enacted laws controlling voting hold 171 (63%) of the 270 electoral votes needed to win.
Perhaps the most egregious restrictions are those that require increased documentary proof of citizenship and residency, In many places in the U.S., this is not as easy to come by as you might think, For instance, many African Americana who were born during the days of segregation did not have access to hospitals and were never issued birth certificates. Replacing lost documents can also be a bureaucratic nightmare, especially if you are poor. And the “fear factor” of being investigated as you go to vote will have an inordinate impact on Black and Latino voters.
Add to this the denial of voting privileges to anyone who has been convicted of a felony. This will affect hundreds of thousands of people, particularly Black and Latino men who are disproportionately convicted. In some states as many as 1/3 of all eligible Black men will not be allowed to vote.
How interesting that many of the states in question have experienced the highest percentages of “minority growth” in the last period of time.
FINAL THOUGHT
When people look at this period, we’re reminded of what is known in the U.S. as the Gilded Age, the age of the Robber Barons like Carnegie and Rockefeller: the era from the late 19th century to the beginning of WW I. High unemployment, the slashing of all government services and increasing poverty exist in the midst of unbelievable wealth. The love of consumption and money is being promulgated at every turn. But the Gilded Age had socialism brewing underneath. We don’t have that yet and we don’t know exactly what a new wave will look like. The Occupy Movement has given us hope that there are stirrings once again. When the next wave of powerful mass movement hits—and it will—then elections in the U.S. will look very different indeed.
Judi Mirkinson
San Francisco, California

Monday, June 4, 2012


Blog #12
New York State (NYS) Division of Parole
A Den of Iniquity???
On April 30, 2012, New York Law Journal published an article “Effect of Risk Assessment Rule on Parole Decisions is Unclear” byline John Caher. The article offered insight into the contradictions and conflict between NYS Division of Parole and NYS Legislators enacting new policy for parole procedures and decision making. The new legislation states the parole board must consider each prisoner’s efforts towards rehabilitation, and a risk assessment to live and remain at liberty without violating the law, including emphasis on the prisoner’s parole release plan. Unfortunately, Andrea Evans, Chairwoman of the Div. of Parole, has instructed parole commissioners to essentially ignore the new legislation, to continue to make decisions subject to the “nature of the crime” and the “criminal history” of prisoners eligible for parole.
On May 22, 2012, the New York State Prisoner Justice Network conducted a spirited day of protest and demonstration in Albany, challenging the current parole policy and practice. The Network supports several bills seeking to reform parole policy in NYS. What is ironic about the entire process is that prisoners, especially political prisoners, must initiate a political campaign to persuade parole commissioners to grant them release on parole. Why is this a problem? The principal problem is that the majority of parole commissioners are former prosecutors and law enforcement officers, who socio-psychologically adhere to an ideal aberrant to prisoners’ rehabilitation and redemption. This is especially true for prisoners convicted of A-1 violent offenses, including assault or killing of law enforcement officers, even though these prisoners were not sentenced to life without parole. Here in NYS, three of us, Robert “Seth” Hayes, who’s been to the parole board 8 times, Herman Bell, who’s been to the parole board 5 times, and myself, with a scheduled 6th parole board appearance, face these conditions despite our exemplary prison records, excellent family ties, and strong community support to ensure our acclimation back into society. Furthermore Herman Bell, and myself have the great fortune of the support of one of the victim’s family members in support of our release from prison, consistently holding we have served enough time in prison.
Given this reality, it is established the NYS parole system is broken, operating as an extension of a system of retribution and punishment, not one to assist prisoners towards rehabilitation and redemption. In this regard, I have proposed to NYS prison and reform activists the need to demand the resignation of Andrea Evans for her failure to adhere to the legislative mandate of reform; to demand the end of nepotism and cronyism in the prison and parole system; and move to build a “Community Prison and Parole Review Board with Ombudsman” to create and develop alternative institutions and oversight of the prison and parole system. This is extremely important given the reality, as explained in the above referred article, when NYS Assemblyman Jeffrion Aubrey is reported to have said “‘… part of the rationale for the revision was to provide the board with political cover if it releases someone with a violent past, or someone whose crime resulted in the death of a police officer. We know that parole board decisions are both administrative and political,’ Aubrey said” (NYLJ 4/30/12). A “Community Prison and Parole Review Board with Ombudsman,” with respect to parole decisions, would be able to ensure parole decisions best serve the interest of the community, and not the “administrative” or “political” interests of the NYS Div. of Parole or the overwhelming influence of law enforcement ideals of retribution and punishment.
Prominent NYS parole attorney Cheryl L. Kates recently submitted a civil rights complaint with the U.S. Department of Justice petitioning the Civil Rights Division to initiate a formal investigation under CRIPA, 42 USC § 1997. Ms. Kates alleges and complains of violations of constitutional and federal law in the means and methods by which the NYS Division of Parole is failing to make parole decisions in accord with its legislative mandate, as Assemblyman Aubrey has charged.
Those who wish to read and study this extensive legal document should go to http://www.freejalil.com/NYS_Civil_Rights_Complaint.pdf. I further ask lay people and legal folks to support Ms. Kates’ submission by writing and/or calling the U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division. Exhort them to conduct a formal, thorough and exhausting investigation pursuant to Ms. Kates’ complaint.
U.S. Department of Justice
Civil Rights Division
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20530
Phone: (202) 514-4609; Faxes; (202) 514-0293, (202) 307-2572, (202) 307-2839
In closing, I personally thank all who ventured to www.change.org/petitions/nys-chairwoman-of-parole-release-jalil-muntaqim-to-buffalo-on-parole-in-june-2012 and signed the signature petition, or to www.freejalil.com and supported my parole campaign.
In fierce struggle,
Jalil A. Muntaqim aka Anthony Jalil Bottom 77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility PO Box 149
Attica, NY 14011-0149



















Bottoms77a4283
May 28, 2012